Communities Against Organized Crime

by Alessandra Piacenti

Abstract

Community-based approaches are described as a revolutionary method to tackle the causes responsible for people engaging in organized crime. When it comes to organized crime, in fact, the presence of several factors working together makes it a type of crime incredibly difficult to eradicate, no matter how strong and powerful the responses carried out by the law enforcement are. Socio-economic deprivation, inequality, social exclusion and lack of education and employment opportunities, alongside with an unhealthy cultural mind-set of inequality, are the main causes responsible for the reiteration of the organized crime discourse. Addressing these factors is the only way to break the chain of organized crime, giving back the community to its members. In this paper, two different approaches, the CashBack for Communities Programme in Scotland and the Addiopizzo Committee in Sicily, will be examined, analysing their different features, and the rationales behind their design along with the different way they have been implemented in the two communities.

Introduction

When it comes to organised crime, the principal focus is on the threat posed at a global level. The international community cooperates to tackle serious organised crime threats, such as trafficking in illicit goods, corruption and armed violence. Despite the seriousness of these crimes, we do not have to underestimate the crucial role that organised crime plays at a local level. In fact, organised crime groups are usually nurtured at community level, where they establish those sets of kinship relations that create and maintain the group alive.

The classical approach to organised crime has been a strong law enforcement response. Nowadays, though, police agencies and citizens have started a different fight against organised crime. They understood that, in order to eradicate the problem, arrests and prosecutions are not enough. It is vital then, to act on communities to tackle those factors that push people, especially young people, to engage in organised crime.

In this paper I am going to analyse two community-based approaches, located in two different societies, the Scottish and the Sicilian one, focusing on the peculiar characteristics and rationales behind the implementation of these projects. These two projects are the CashBack for Communities Programme and the Addiopizzo Committee.

Scotland:Empowering Young Citizens

When Organised crime has become an important issue in Scotland in recent times. The extent of the phenomenon is concerning. According to 2009 data from Audit Scotland, Serious organised crime costs Scotland £2bn per year. This number, however, does not count the total economic and social harm produced by drug trafficking and drug use, the principal offence related to organised crime in the country, whose cost is around £3.5bn.1 Organised crime in Scotland has been characterised by waves of continuity and change. However, it is possible to recognise certain patterns in the actors involved and in the type of offence committed.2 Taking into account the information provided by the “Serious Organised Crime Group Mapping”, established in 2009 as part of a holistic strategy against organised crime, it is possible to notice that those who engage in organised crime activities are predominantly young men, aged 18-35, living in deprived areas.3

Deprivation and socioeconomic inequalities play a huge role in shaping the engagement of people in organised crime. The harms connected to organised crime go beyond the physical and economical damage, but also include social harms, such as the spreading of fear in affected communities, the reiteration of stigma and exclusion of certain groups and for deprived communities, along with the diffusion of negative role models for young people.4

The change in the evaluation of harms produced by organised crime has come along with the shaping of a new strategy to respond to organised crime. Sice 2009, Scotland has implemented a new strategy in fighting organised crime. This strategy, it is composed by a holistic approach that involve different sectors of the society, and it is directed to four specific aims: “Divert” people from organised crime, “Deter” – namely support organisations and business, “Detect” actors involved and “Disrupt” organised crime groups.5

In particular, the “Divert” strategy is shaped on the idea that organised crime flourishes in situation where lack of opportunities, education and inequality affect communities, representing a greater risk for young people to engage in illegal activities.6 Taking into consideration that people who live situation of deprivation and exclusion, especially young people, might develop feelings of vindictiveness towards the society, and then consider organised crime as a desirable goal, the “Divert” strategy builds project with communities to engage cultural patterns against antisocial behaviours, in order to develop feelings of belonging. The CashBack for Communities Programme is a clear example.

CashBack for Communities

As seen, organized crime in Scotland manifests especially in situation of poverty and inequality. In order to tackle the problem from the bottom, the Scotland Organised Crime Taskforce adopts the "Divert" strategy as a main instrument to generate a wider inclusion in communities and in particular, it promotes new healthy models for young people, diverting them from antisocial and criminal behaviour. The jewel in the crown of Scotland's diversion strategy against organized crime is the CashBack for Communities Programme.

CashBack for Communities started in 2007, using money recovered from organised crime through the Proceed of Crime Act and reinvesting it into a series of programmes and activities directed mainly to young people and the communities they live in. Since 2008, £75 million have been committed to the CashBack for Communities Programme, funding 1.8 million activities and opportunities for young people. Included in this investment there are £24 million on sporting activities and facilities projects, £10 million on grant schemes and £3.5 million on cultural activities.7

CashBack for Communities: Activities

The main aim of the programme is to reduce inequality of opportunities for young people living in areas of deprivation in Scotland. The activities carried on by the Programme vary in term of duration and themes, in order to reach the highest number of young people, and are organised in partnership with a wide range of sporting and youth associations. A range of “high quality” activities, directed to promote positive values, boosting self-confidence and developing skills; composes each programme, but also we can find "pathways to further learning, training, education and employment".8 Hence, it is possible to understand how the CashBack for Communities is not only a diversional programme open for young Scottish people, but is more part of an educational strategy intended to divert young people from engaging in antisocial behaviours, and thus raising better citizens.9 The projects are divided into 5 main areas: Culture, Employability, Sports for Change, Sports and Youth Work.

In this paper, I am not going to go through all the different activities, but I believe it is important to highlight some of them, that, in my opinion, are making a real difference in relieving situations of inequality in Scottish communities. Some of the programmes are directed specifically to young people who might manifest social problems or social exclusion, as for example "Village Storytelling Centre", a project directed to young carers that makes them interact and share their experiences and feelings about their situation.10 Another example is "Football Equity Project", which is aimed to overcome racial prejudice and improve inclusion of ethnic minorities into communities through the safe space of sport.11 Other projects are structured to fight the rise of unhealthy behaviours. For example "Just Play", a joint venture between Angus Council and Police Scotland, aims to create a safe play environment for parents and children, in families where there are histories of offending behaviours, helping to reduce the development of risk-taking attitudes.12 Then, the Scottish Sports Futures that, through its programme "Education through Sport", organizes basketball activities combining them with projects to educate against negative behaviours such as racism, sectarianism and sexism.13

In addition to all the activities seen so far, the Programme uses the funds originating from criminal activities to create a grant scheme whose aim is to invest in young people, giving credibility to their potentiality and helping them to realize their projects and ideas.14 In the area of Youth Work, for example, CashBack for Communities, in partnership with YouthLink Scotland and Youth Scotland, provides a series of small grants, such as Youth Work Fund or the CashBack Small Grants Scheme, to invest in the creation and the improvement of youth groups, funding their programmes and developing their skills as "leaders, volunteers and community contributors”.15 Employability is also a fundamental aspect of the Programme. Through two main instruments, the Prince's Trust Scotland and the Powerskills Programme, it distributes small grants along with bursary to attend professional courses, in order to overcome financial issues and guarantee access to opportunities in education and employment.16

Moreover, CashBack for Communities encourages volunteering work of young people inside their own communities. Through "Link Up" and "Working on Wheels", young volunteers have the opportunity to improve their own environment, building up social activities and networking in order to design opportunities and solutions for communities affected by crime and antisocial attitudes.17

CashBack for Communities Revolution

The importance of CashBack for Communities goes far beyond the impact on single young person or community. In fact, the Programme aims to achieve a real change in the way Scotland deals with organised crime, how communities perceive and tackle problems of exclusion and inequality. In Scotland, where drug trafficking and abuse is the most severe harm affecting communities (more than 52.000 people affected by drug problems),18 to find an alternative to law enforcement is necessary. In particular, it is key to work with young people, especially in deprived communities, where for lack of education and employment possibilities, organised crime represents a fascinating role model, which appeals youngsters, attracted by the outcomes of criminal activities, not even comparable to legal ones.19

According to the new strategy of the Scotland Organised Crime Taskforce, described in the report "Letting Our Communities Flourish", diversion is a key element in the fight against organized crime. Not only is important to divert people from engaging in and using illegal products from organized crime, but it also fundamental to challenge the fascinating aura of organized criminals, forwarding the message that "crime does not pay". In order to do so, it is important to promote good examples and public awareness of the harm produced by crime. In this context, the role of CashBack for Communities is decisive. First, for the symbolic message forwarded to the Scottish society: not only "crime does not pay", but also what is taken from the community is given back to the community to make it flourish with legality, safety and equality. Secondly, with its variety of activities, it can really achieve to tackle negative habits and create opportunities in a country where a third of those involved in organized crime are in the 15-29 age range.20

As seen, the CashBack for Communities Programme comprehends a range of projects that goes from low-level sport and leisure activities to those that might achieve a long-term and life-changing effect.21 In particular, sport and leisure play an important role in engaging with young people. In fact, is believed that young people need to receive material gain and excitement to be diverted from a risky boredom that will lead to the development of antisocial behaviors,22 and these recreational and diversionary activities fulfil the goal.23 Moreover, it has been proven that community-based projects are more effective in diverting young people, compared to purely law enforcement strategies.24 CashBack for Communities is perfectly inserted in Scotland new strategy to fight organized crime, which advocates that, to eliminate criminal attitudes, stakeholders (police agencies, communities and businesses) need to work together to disrupt criminal groups, going beyond the mere law enforcement practice, although still a vital aspect. The Programme, in fact, addresses the causes and the factors that induce young people in engaging in antisocial behaviours, reiterating the criminal discourse and cultural assets.

The ultimate importance of the Programme is the following: it helps to educate young people to respect themselves and their community, to increase their horizons, giving them opportunities and skills to develop as successful adults and better citizens. By the participation to programmes in the community, young people will develop a sense of belonging to the common space, and they will feel compelled to make the community a good place to live, improving the general feeling of all the other members.

Sicily: Citizens Against Rackets

The diffusion of Mafia in Sicily, and more extensively in all Italy, is still a crucial problem for the country. The infiltration of organised crime in the civil society affects the daily life of citizens, whose communities face serious threats, such as the diffusion of violence and drug use, along with a widespread corruption. As we will see in the following sections, Mafia is a relatively local phenomenon, which generates in a local territory. The reiteration of the Mafia discourse is usually explained as a manifestation of a Sicilian “way of being”,25 a peculiar mind-set of cultural pessimism and political apathy,26 developed throughout history.

Due to this cultural aspect, the fight against the Mafia has always been a challenge for the law enforcement. Politicians and citizens have believed that the only way to eradicate the Mafia from the territory was by importing different models and ideologies from outside.27 However, in the 1990s, thanks to the work of prosecutors Falcone and Borsellino, there was a change in the Antimafia strategy.28 For the very first time ever, it was understood that the only way to eradicate Mafia was to tackle the peculiarity of Sicilian society, in order to change this cultural mindset, instead of imposing a model disconnected from the local reality. After the assassinations of those important figures, citizens became conscious of the Mafia problem and reacted creating a vivid environment of organisations aimed to address those cultural negative models, raising awareness and proposing solutions designed on community features. In this context, however, the Addiopizzo Committee represents a revolution in the Antimafia strategy, as we will see next.

Addiopizzo

Addiopizzo is a committee of volunteers founded in 2004 by university students in Palermo. Their activity is aimed to fight mafia attitudes of the Sicilian society, in particular the custom of paying the pizzo.29 Before describing the characteristics of the organization, I need to explain here what pizzo is and what it means for the Sicilian community.

The pizzo

Technically speaking, the pizzo is an extortion of money that the Mafia asks to businesses operating in areas under its control; it represents a sort of unlawful taxation that firms are supposed to pay in order to receive "protection" from other mafia groupings or to deter competition in a specific area.30 Although it might seem an isolated phenomenon, it is a practice well consolidated in Sicily. According to an estimation done in 2004, 80% of businesses paid the pizzo, for an amount of $33.5 billion dollars per year.31 Therefore, to say that pizzo is just extortion is naïve, pizzo, in fact, is something more. Considering the scale of the phenomenon, pizzo might be considered as a cultural issue.

However, what are the reasons that push the people of Palermo to accept and withstand this unlawful and absurd practice? When the Mafia asks for pizzo, it presents it as a form of protection, as a benefit more than as a danger. Nevertheless, the consequences of not paying are well known: the "unprotected" firm might be exposed to some form of retaliation, such as thefts, vandalism (one notable sign is glue in the lockers),32 or the destruction of the business by arson.33 The risk becomes greater when the person threatened decides to report the extortion to the police. The intimidation involves not only properties, but also the safety of the person and his or her family, who may be forced to leave the territory.34 The unprotected firm has to face a social cost as well. Due to the environment of fear that surrounds the pizzo, shopkeepers and customers are less inclined to support those who reports.35 Moreover, due to cultural patterns, other shopkeepers and some customers might blame the threatened firm: in fact, instead of sharing the burden of paying as everybody else, the threatened firm decided to put himself in trouble, turning into a "sbirro" (police, considered as an insult).36

To see if Addiopizzo might be successful in its goal, we need to assess the scale and the importance of asking pizzo for the Mafia. In recent times, we discuss about the "internationalization" of the Mafia, as mafia and organized crime groups cross borders to expand their businesses, and the international drug trade is an example. However, the control of local territory is still an important aspect, and for several reasons. First, Mafia, especially Sicilian Mafia, raises and roots in the local territory; the main purpose of Mafia leaders is the establishment of control and monopoly of power in a specific area,37 starting from the area where they come from to expand successively to the whole city. Secondly, although rackets are not the main income of Mafia groups, they represent the "principal instrument of control of the local economy":38 different families exercise monopoly on specific areas, without overlapping. In addition, apart from representing a regular income for mafia groups, the imposition of pizzo serve as a symbolic "reiteration of domain", as it creates an environment of fear and suspect in which citizens are trapped. By manifesting the infamous Sicilian "fatalism",39 they think that nothing can be done to change it and they uphold this mentality. The psychological control of a territory nurtures the Mafia group, which considers the controlled area a safe haven, where law enforcement agencies have no access and where to recruit new members from communities.40

Addiopizzo: The Committee

After this long but necessary digression, let us analyse Addiopizzo in more details. As said, Addiopizzo is a committee founded in 2004 by a group of students. Their first appearance in public was on June 29, when the city of Palermo was covered in small stickers reading the motto of the organization: "A whole population that pays the pizzo is a population without dignity". The creation of the organization is well summed up by their motto: when businesses are paying the pizzo, everyone is an accomplice of the Mafia.41 They stressed out the importance of creating a conscious "shopping bag power" in order to fight against this unlawful practice. The key focus of Addiopizzo are citizens/customers and shopkeepers. Since its creation, Addiopizzo worked to sensitise citizens to shop ethically, namely to choose those businesses that do not pay the pizzo, and to convince and support firms to denounce the pizzo publicly.

Addiopizzo runs several projects throughout all Sicily. Addiopizzo first campaigns, launched in 2006, were directed to both consumers and shopkeepers.42 After ten years, the result is the creation of a network of citizens and businesses, which declared publicly to be "pizzo-free". According to the data provided by the website, today 1048 are the businesses belonging to Addiopizzo network. Included in the number we find 190 shops agreed upon the Addiopizzo Card, which provides an "ethic discount" for citizens who adhere, and 36 shops certified Addiopizzo, namely shops where it is possible to buy products from artisans and artist that adhere to the committee and agro-food products cultivated by cooperatives in territories confiscated to the Mafia. Nevertheless, Addiopizzo is an organization that grows constantly. To adhere to the committee and to the network of businesses, firms need to follow symbolic steps to show their public engagement in the civic mind-set that Addiopizzo promotes. Activities need to present legal documents concerning the business and they need to sign a written manifesto that shows "commitment toward citizens/consumers about the non-payment of pizzo".43

From 2005, Addiopizzo is active in carrying a work of sensitisation in schools. They believe that to achieve the change in the Sicilian mentality, the interaction with young people in schools is essential. The committee is currently working with 184 schools, carrying on a project of sensitisation toward key issues as the fight of racketing, ethical economy and the fight of Mafia through the re-appropriation of the common space. The aim of the project is to forward a conscious mentality and stimulate active participation in the activities of the committee. Teachers and Addiopizzo volunteers, in partnership with law enforcement representatives and shopkeepers, called to give testimony of their experience in daily fight against Mafia, direct the project.44 The project usually concludes with the active participation of schools in organizing the annual “Festa Addiopizzo”, a three days fair created to promote the activity of the organization, where consumers and producers confront on issues related to the fight against racket.

In addition, Addiopizzo activism comprehends other two areas: the requalification of the territory and the help of the victims of racketing. Addiopizzo, believing that the change needs to start from the bottom, asks the community to adhere to its network in order to make an effective change and improvement in the management of the city and common space. This is the reasoning behind various projects of collective investment: with Addiopizzo Card and the ethic discount applied, Addiopizzo creates a collective and transparent fund destined to the requalification of certain areas of the city of Palermo. The active participation of the citizens is vital in each phase of the process, from the constitution of the fund to the choice of which area to redevelop and the way to improve it.45

Addiopizzo's work in change the attitudes towards the practice of racketing and the pizzo cannot exclude from an important work of counselling to victims and to threatened businesses. Acknowledging the heavy cost that firms might suffer from the denounce of racket to police, Addiopizzo provides businesses and whoever needs it, a small vademecum of information, advices, contacts and everything else is needed in order to deal with daily fight against Mafia.46 Moreover, Addiopizzo decided from 2007 to demonstrate its willingness towards change providing legal support to victims of extortion. According to its website, Addiopizzo brought civil action in 74 criminal proceedings, giving legal assistance in 70 and helping more than 200 victims of extortion.47

Addiopizzo Revolution

In its history, the Antimafia in Sicily has been qualified as a reaction to violent events, for example murders of prosecutors or journalists, and has been characterized by periods of strong activism followed by periods of passivity.48 In this context, Addiopizzo represents a "revolution" in Antimafia activism. In fact, Addiopizzo was born as the result of a reflection of a group of University students about the mafia mindset that was affecting Palermo and its citizens’ daily life.

Addiopizzo, as volunteering association, is expressively non-party, although is very political. Indeed, the founders and the members of Addiopizzo do believe that the only solution to fight the Mafia is a democratic and active participation of all the citizenship in challenging the status quo.49 The aim and the main finality of the association is to empower citizens to push forward a collective mobilization, in order to uphold a cultural change by healing the market from ill and unlawful practices. The market, in fact, plays an important role in Addiopizzo's strategy; it represents the main political and social arena where the change can successfully be achieved.50 By stressing out the importance of consumers' choices and the political meaning of their "shopping-bag power",51 Addiopizzo was able to create a network in which empowered citizens identify themselves, giving voice to their dissatisfaction for the current cultural asset and for society's lack of power.52 Moreover, the market-based action has the advantages to be anonymous, thus less risky, but at the same time is the way to give a strong message in challenging Mafia's control of the local territory.53

Since the activity of Addiopizzo did not originate from a specific event, even the mobilization had to be different. In the past, citizens reacted with manifestations, mass mobilizations and grassroots activities; in the case of Addiopizzo, however, the creation of the network had to start gradually, from a small group of people motivated by a common cause to expand to the community. In order to achieve that, Addiopizzo applied a modern approach, different the one used by other associations.54 Before going public, Addiopizzo applied marketing strategies, such as bill boarding, to create curiosity around their activity. Flyers and posters were distributed all around the city, with the double finality to attract new members among the people who shared the same view about the city, and to spread awareness about the phenomenon of extortion.55 The use of the Internet and social media was vital, although not exclusive. Initial members came from the same social environment of the founders, reaching immediately young people and University students, who shared the same need in challenging the cultural assets; then it expanded to businesses, thanks also to the cooperation with other commercial institutions and antimafia organizations.

Although Addiopizzo is doing a terrific job in challenging the mafia mind-set, more work needs to be done. Addiopizzo's members share all the same social strata, they are highly educated, middle-class citizens with a high civic sense.56 The provenance of the members is also reflected in the firms adhering to the Committee: the higher concentration is in the richest areas of the city, while the participation in the activities degrades in the periphery, where mafia control is higher and then more difficult to tackle.57 Addiopizzo needs to continue its hard work in defeating the cultural attitude of Palermo citizens, promoting healthy models of critical consumerism for young generations and at the same time pushing for the creation of trust and cooperation relations with the law enforcement.

Conclusion

In this paper, I wanted to highlight two community-based approaches against organized crime. As depicted by the double analysis, the approaches are located in two different societies. As they need to respond to different issues, the rationales and implementations methods differ in various points. The two approaches have to tackle two different aspects of organized crime in first place. Organized crime is a relatively new problem for Scotland, and principally it takes the forms of drug and human trafficking and gangs.58 It originates from situations of poverty and social exclusion; where the lack of opportunities induces deprived people in engage in crime. On the other hand, the Mafia in Sicily has well defined characteristics, which shaped throughout 200 years of history.59 Mafia also rises from deprivation and inequality, but it is aggravated by a cultural mind-set of illegality and violence.60

The CashBack for Communities Programme works with communities focusing primarily on young people, empowering them through directed activities aimed to develop their skills and feelings of belonging for the community in the end. On the other hand, Addiopizzo focuses on a single aspect of organized crime, the less investigated and tackled by authorities, empowering citizens in their role of consumers, using their "shopping bag power" to manifest democratically their dissent and their daily fight against Mafia. While the main aim of CashBack for Communities is to tackle the socio-economic factors responsible for youngsters to engage in crime, such as inequality in opportunities, deprivation and exclusion, Addiopizzo, instead, aims to achieve a cultural change in the Sicilian society, namely the idea that Mafia is something too rooted in the nature Sicilian people to be eradicated.

Nevertheless, these two approaches share some common points as well. They both are inserted in a diversion strategy, designed to provoke a change in communities, through the abandon of negative and unhealthy role models towards the re-appropriation of the common space. Moreover, both approaches are designed to go beyond law enforcement, working actively with police agencies to tackle organized crime and criminal attitudes, but at the same time engaging in their own environment to address and find specific solutions to the specific causes, factors and social roots of the organized crime problem.

In conclusion, through the analysis of these two different approaches, I wanted to address the importance of working through and within communities to fight the roots of organized crime. Education, empowerment and equal opportunities are the only way to break the charming effect that organized crime has to societies, and the only way to make legality and civic values the pillars of every community.


Endnotes
  1. Cavanagh B, Hamilton-Smith N & Mackenzie S (2016) Organised crime in Scotland and the Criminal Justice Response. In: Croall H, Mooney G, Munro M (ed.). Crime, Justice and Society in Scotland, p. 117 .
  2. Croall, H., Mooney, G. and Munro, M. (2016). Introduction: crime, justice and inequality: the Scottish context. In: Crime, Justice and Society in Scotland, p. 5 .
  3. Cavanagh, Hamilton-Smith N & Mackenzie S (2016), ibidem, p. 118.
  4. Idid. 117.
  5. Scottish Government, (2015). Scotland's Serious Organised Crime Strategy. Edinburgh: The Scottish Government, p. 3.
  6. Cavanagh, Hamilton-Smith N & Mackenzie S (2016), ibidem, p. 118.
  7. http://www.cashbackforcommunities.org/ [Accessed 06/04/2016].
  8. CashBack for Communities, Impact 2014/2015, p. 3 .
  9. http://www.cashbackforcommunities.org/cashback-projects [Accessed 06/04/2016].
  10. CashBack for Communities, (2014). Investing in Scotland’s young people (2008 – 2014), p. 14, 16. 
  11. Ibid.
  12. Ibid.
  13. Ibid.
  14. Ibid.
  15. Ibid.
  16. Ibid.
  17. Ibid.
  18. Letting Our Communities Flourish, (2009), p.7.
  19. Ibid.
  20. Ibid.
  21. Scottish Government Justice Analytical Services, (2010). Evaluation of the Cashback for Communities ‘Schools of Football’ programme. Edinburgh: Scottish Government Social Research. 
  22. Adamson, S. (2003) Youth Crime: Diversionary Approaches to Reduction – Research Report 5. New deal for Communities: The National Evaluation.
  23. Scottish Government Justice Analytical Services.
  24. Adamson, S. (2003) Youth Crime: Diversionary Approaches to Reduction.
  25. Schneider, J. and Schneider, P. (2005). Mafia, Antimafia, and the Plural Cultures of Sicily1. Current Anthropology, 46(4), p. 504.
  26. Ibid.
  27. Ibid.
  28. Forno, F. and Gunnarson, C. (2010). Everyday Shopping to Fight the Italian Mafia. In: M. Micheletti and A. MacFarland, ed., Creative Participation. Responsibility-Taking in the Political World, p. 16.
  29. Milani Marin, L. and Russo, V. (2015). Re-localizing ‘legal’ food: a social psychology perspective on community resilience, individual empowerment and citizen adaptations in food consumption in Southern Italy.
  30. Forno, F. and Gunnarson, C. (2010). Everyday Shopping to Fight the Italian Mafia. In: M. Micheletti and A. MacFarland, ed., Creative Participation. Responsibility-Taking in the Political World, p. 4
  31. Ibid.
  32.  Addiopizzo.org. (2016) .
  33. Forno, F. and Gunnarson, C. (2010). Everyday Shopping to Fight the Italian Mafia. In: M. Micheletti and A. MacFarland, ed., Creative Participation. Responsibility-Taking in the Political World, p. 4
  34. Ibid.
  35. Ibid.
  36. Ibid.
  37. Ibid.
  38. Gambetta, Diego, 1993, The Sicilian Mafia: The Business of Private Protection. 
  39.  Milani Marin, L. and Russo, V. (2015). Re-localizing ‘legal’ food.
  40.  Forno, F. and Gunnarson, C. (2010). Everyday Shopping to Fight the Italian Mafia. In: M. Micheletti and A. MacFarland, ed., Creative Participation. Responsibility-Taking in the Political World, p. 3
  41. Ibid.
  42.  Campaign "Pago chi non paga" directed to consumers and "Contro il pizzo, cambia I consumi", that informed businesses about the work of the organization. 
  43.  Milani Marin, L. and Russo, V. (2015). Re-localizing ‘legal’ food.
  44. http://www.addiopizzo.org/index.php/progetti/progetto-scuola/ [Accessed 05/04/2016]
  45. http://www.addiopizzo.org/index.php/cosa-abbiamo-realizzato/ [Accessed 5 Apr. 2016]. 
  46.  Milani Marin, L. and Russo, V. (2015). Re-localizing ‘legal’ food, p.84.
  47. http://www.addiopizzo.org/index.php/addiopizzo-nei-processi/ [Accessed 05/04/2016].
  48. Forno, F. and Gunnarson, C. (2010). Everyday Shopping to Fight the Italian Mafia, p.7.
  49. Milani Marin, L. and Russo, V. (2015). Re-localizing ‘legal’ food.
  50. Forno, F. and Gunnarson, C. (2010). Everyday Shopping to Fight the Italian Mafia, p.7.
  51. Ibid.
  52. Milani Marin, L. and Russo, V. (2015). Re-localizing ‘legal’ food.
  53. Forno, F. and Gunnarson, C. (2010). Everyday Shopping to Fight the Italian Mafia, p.7.
  54. Ibid.
  55. Ibid.
  56. Ibid.
  57. Ibid.
  58. Cavanagh, Hamilton-Smith N & Mackenzie S (2016), ibidem, p. 118.
  59. Schneider and Schneider, ibidem, p. 3.
  60. Ibid.

 ©VATER_FOTOGRAFO